Cairo and Washington support Libyan sovereignty

Egypt has welcomed renewed US efforts to move Libya’s stalled political process forward after Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty discussed the country’s future with Massad Boulos, senior adviser to the US president for Arab and African affairs, on July 3rd, as reported by Libya Gazette.

The call focused on Libya’s prolonged institutional division and the search for a political settlement capable of leading to elections, Abdelatty enforced Egypt’s support for Libya’s unity and stability, stressing the need to reunify national institutions and reach a Libyan led agreement that could open the way for simultaneous presidential and parliamentary elections.

Boulos outlined the ideas being considered by Washington to help narrow differences between Libya’s rival political camps, no detailed proposal was announced but the conversation showed that the United States is becoming more active in a country where outside powers have often played decisive roles.

For Egypt, Libya remains a direct security concern as the two countries share a long border and instability in eastern Libya has for years raised fears in Cairo over trafficking, extremist activity, irregular migration and the movement of armed groups and militias.

Egypt has long maintained close relations with eastern Libya and with the forces loyal to Khalifa Haftar, at the same time Cairo has increasingly presented itself as a supporter of a, independent political settlement rather than an international oriented agenda, as the UNSMIL track is being perceived.

The Egyptian position remains familiar as Libya’s crisis should be solved by Libyans, foreign interference should be limited, and elections should restore legitimacy but the call also suggests that Cairo is willing to work with Washington if the US effort is seen as supporting institutional unity rather than imposing a separate political arrangement.

Washington’s renewed involvement comes after years of limited but persistent engagement, the United States was central to the NATO intervention authorised by the UN Security Council in 2011, when international forces acted against Muammar Gaddafi’s government during the uprising.

That intervention helped bring an end to Gaddafi’s rule, but it did not create a stable political order, Libya soon fragmented between armed groups, regional power centres and competing institutions, the country’s transition became increasingly shaped by rival governments in the east and west, while foreign states built relationships with different Libyan actors.

The US role then became more selective, counterterrorism became the main military priority, especially after Islamic State established a strong presence in Sirte. In 2016, US Africa Command carried out Operation Odyssey Lightning in support of forces aligned with the Government of National Accord.

Since then, Washington has tried to avoid becoming the dominant external power in Libya, it has supported UN mediation, backed elections in principle and maintained security cooperation but it has often allowed European states, regional governments and the UN mission to take the lead.

The United States is increasingly engaging both sides of Libya’s political divide, in late June, Secretary of State Marco Rubio met Saddam Haftar, deputy commander of the eastern based Libyan National Army.

The State Department said the discussion covered Libyan led efforts to unify military, economic and political institutions.

The meeting was important because Saddam Haftar is becoming one of the most visible figures in eastern Libya, his growing role inside the Haftar military structure, together with his recent meetings in Paris, Athens and Washington, has strengthened his position as a possible future actor in any national settlement.

Washington has also kept close contact with Tripoli, US officials have held discussions with members of the Government of National Unity on military training, counterterrorism, border security and the long-delayed unification of Libya’s armed forces.

Libya cannot be stabilised through Tripoli alone, because eastern Libya and large parts of the south remain under the influence of the Haftar camp, but neither can a national settlement be built around Haftar’s forces alone, because Tripoli retains international recognition, access to public spending and influence over major state institutions.

Military unification has also become central to that strategy since April when Libya hosted part of Exercise Flintlock 2026, a US led multinational training exercise involving forces from both eastern and western Libya, the event was presented as a practical attempt to encourage cooperation between rival military institutions.

Sirte, where the exercise took place, has long been one of Libya’s most sensitive cities. It sits near the dividing line between eastern and western areas of influence and has been a battleground in previous conflicts. Bringing officers from both sides together in the same training environment was therefore intended to show that military cooperation remains possible.

The United States is also getting involved in Libya’s economy, in April Washington joined other international partners in welcoming a unified budget agreement, arguing that coordinated spending could strengthen financial stability and reduce institutional fragmentation.

Oil remains central to that calculation as Libya has Africa’s largest proven oil reserves but production and revenues are repeatedly affected by political disputes, local blockades and competition between rival authorities, it is clear therefore how a more unified financial system would make Libya more attractive to foreign investors and reduce the risk that oil revenues become another tool of political pressure.

That gives the US an interest in stronger border management, counterterrorism cooperation and a more stable security structure, it also explains why Washington is working closely with Italy and other European partners, who see Libya as central to Mediterranean security.

Libya has seen many foreign backed initiatives since 2011 and most have struggled because they were seen as deals between elites rather than solutions for the wider population and any agreement that appears to divide power between Tripoli and the Haftar camp without a clear electoral process could face serious resistance.

Egypt’s support may help Washington build regional backing for a new effort, Cairo has influence in eastern Libya while the United States retains diplomatic and security weight across the country.

A sustainable settlement will need agreement on election laws, constitutional rules, public spending, military command and the future of the executive authorities, none of those issues can be settled permanently by foreign capitals.

The July 3rd call showed that Washington is once again taking Libya seriously but whether that produces a genuine political opening or another temporary bargain will depend on whether Libyan institutions are able to turn outside pressure into a settlement they can accept as their own.

Libya Gazette, Libyan News Agency, US State Department, Maghrebi.org