African former presidents on trial - good or bad governance?

In Africa, many former presidents are being held to account by their countries’ justice systems, but is this a sign of good governance, or is it motivated by a desire for political vengeance?

The mismanagement of state affairs at the highest levels of authority is often denounced as a widespread issue in many African countries. Opponents, civil society advocates, and analysts of Africa’s political and social landscape continue to draw attention to a long list of unresolved questions: bad governance, embezzlement, corruption, and human rights violations, to name but a few. While in office, sitting presidents are usually untouchable, but this immunity ends when their term is over. For some, this is the beginning of a legal process triggered by grievances in their home country.

A 2021 article from Radio France Internationale (RFI) analysed the fate of several former African leaders who fell from grace at the end of their terms. The list includes Yahya Jammeh (former president of Gambia, 1994–2017), Charles Taylor (former president of Liberia, 1997–2003), Omar al-Bashir (former president of Sudan, 1989–2019), Jacob Zuma (former president of South Africa, 2009–2018), Ahmed Abdallah Sambi (former president of Comoros, 2006–2011), Hissène Habré (former president of chad, 1982–1990), Blaise Compaoré (former president of Burkina Faso, 1987–2014), Laurent Gbagbo (former president of Côte d’Ivoire, 2000–2011), Mohamed Ould Abdel Aziz (former president of Mauritania, 2009–2019), and Macky Sall (former president of Senegal, 2012–2024).

Two recent cases from Senegal and Mauritania demonstrate the complexities involved. These cases often operate at the intersection of justice and vengeance.

Some leave and face justice

Macky Sall served as president of Senegal — a country often praised as a beacon of democracy on the continent — for two terms. He contributed to his country’s economic development but was embroiled in political disputes with Ousmane Sonko, the president of the PASTEF party (the African Patriots of Senegal for Work, Ethics and Fraternity), who was his main opponent and candidate for president at the 2024 elections.

The election of Bassirou Diomaye Faye, who was representing Sonko as the candidate for the PASTEF, and Senegal’s current president since March 2024, marked the beginning of a settling of scores. Faye’s team, with Sonko as Prime Minister, accused Sall of high treason towards Senegal. They uncovered a USD 7 billion debt that Sall’s government would have kept hidden between 2019 and 2024. In September 2024, France24 published an article detailing several criminal offences attributed to the former president: financial irregularities, bad governance, the “embezzlement of public funds,” and a misrepresentation of the country’s debt and fiscal deficit figures to foreign partners.

After leaving the office of President, Sall first settled in Morocco. But in March 2025, he was considered persona non grata after Dakar’s new government called on Morocco to extradite him as part of an extradition agreement between the two countries, and he would have settled in Côte d’Ivoire. However, there is a possibility that he may lose his immunity — a first in Senegal’s democratic history — potentially exposing him to prosecution.

That was precisely what happened in January 2025 to Mouhamadou Ngom, a member of parliament close to Sall; whereas Moustapha Diop and Salimata Diop, two former ministers in his government, lost their immunity in May 2025 in connection with a case of financial misconduct.

Citing examples of former presidents from other countries who have been convicted, Hayati Fall, a Senegalese national living in the United States, commented on X:

“France tried and convicted Sarkozy, Yaya Jammeh is going to be tried for his crimes in Gambia, Abbré has been tried and convicted alongside Sall’s aide, and yet Macky Sall and his loyalists think they can re-enter the country as if nothing had happened and ask Senegalese to vote for them.”

—Hayati Fall (@hayatifall) December 18, 2024

Mohamed Ould Aziz, Mauritania’s president from 2009 to 2019, had his fate sealed behind bars. After leading two coups d’État, in 2005 and 2008, he was first elected president in 2009 and then again in 2014.

“[African nations] are unwilling to give their elected leaders a free pass, as the current system of governance falls short of their expectations and casts doubt on the validity of democratic norms.”

Forced to hang up his boots after two terms as president, he designated Mohamed Ould Ghazouani as his successor within the regime. However, Ghazouani promptly initiated investigations into his predecessor’s use of power. In 2020, after accusations of corruption, six of his former ministers were placed under judicial control. In March 2021, Ould Abel Aziz was accused of money laundering, corruption, illicit enrichment, and economic crimes. After a legal battle between his legal representatives and the Mauritanian government, he was convicted in December 2023 and sentenced to five years in prison for the crimes mentioned above. His assets were confiscated, and he was stripped of his civil rights.

In December 2023, Ould Abdel Aziz’s lawyers condemned the trial as politically motivated and appealed. In February 2025, the public prosecutor issued the final verdict, resulting in a twenty-year prison sentence, which was subsequently reduced to fifteen years on May 14, 2025.

Is the era of unlimited presidential terms coming to an end?

Many African political leaders have extended their time as heads of their country far past their designated terms, creating the impression that they are indispensable in the public eye. In May 2025, Deutsche Welle (DW) published “Why do African Leaders Cling to Power?,” which presented a list of several African presidents who have spent, in some cases, decades in power: Teodoro Obiang Nguema (45 years in Equatorial Guinea), Paul Biya (42 years in Cameroon), Denis Sassou-Nguesso (27 years in the Republic of Congo), Paul Kagame (25 years in Rwanda), Faure Gnassinghé (20 years in Togo), and Alassane Ouattara (14 years in Côte d’Ivoire). Although the latter has not yet officially declared his intention to run for a fourth term in office, he remains a potential candidate for the country’s next presidential elections. As of 2025, all these heads of state remain in power.

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Today, this historical pattern of clinging to office at any cost, often ignoring constitutional limits, seems to be challenged by African nations. These societies are unwilling to give their elected leaders a free pass, as the current system of governance falls short of their expectations and casts doubt on the validity of democratic norms.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Maghrebi.org. Jean Sovon is Global Voices regional editor for French-speaking sub-Saharan Africa. He is a journalist specializing in human rights, a field to which he often contributes his expertise through research, analysis and the production of articles. A sociologist by training, he is also passionate about electoral issues, good governance, conflict prevention, peace and security, and international relations. Before joining Global Voices, Jean worked with several online media in Togo and the West African sub-region. This article was originally published by Global Voices and was translated by Jean-Christophe Brunet.

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